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""Why I so much prefer autumn to spring is that in the autumn one looks at heaven--in the spring at the earth."--Søren KierkegaardThe father of existentialism, Søren Kierkegaard (1813-1855) was a philosopher who could write like an angel. With only a sentence or two, he could plumb the depths of the human spirit. In this collection of some 800 quotations, the reader will find dazzling bon mots next to words of life-changing power. Drawing from the authoritative Princeton editions of Kierkegaard's writings, this book presents a broad selection of his wit and wisdom, as well as a stimulating introduction to his life and work.Organized by topic, this volume covers notable Kierkegaardian concerns such as anxiety, despair, existence, irony, and the absurd, but also erotic love, the press, busyness, and the comic. Here readers will encounter both well-known quotations ("Life must be understood backward. But then one forgets the other principle, that it must be lived forward") and obscure ones ("Beware false prophets who come to you in wolves' clothing but inwardly are sheep--i.e., the phrasemongers"). Those who spend time in these pages will discover the writer who said, "my grief is my castle," but who also taught that "the best defense against hypocrisy is love."Illuminating and delightful, this engaging book also provides a substantial portrait of one of the most influential of modern thinkers. Gathers some 800 quotations Drawn from the authoritative Princeton editions of Kierkegaard's writings Includes an introduction, a brief account and timeline of Kierkegaard's life, a guide to further reading, and an index "--

This book explores the history of the debate, from 1915 to the present, about the meaning of academic freedom, particularly as concerns political activism on the college campus. The book introduces readers to the origins of the modern research university in the United States, the professionalization of the role of the university teacher, and the rise of alternative conceptions of academic freedom challenging the professional model and radicalizing the image of the university. Leading thinkers on the subject of academic freedom—Arthur Lovejoy, Angela Davis, Alexander Meiklejohn, Edward W. Said, among others—spring to life. What is the relationship between freedom of speech and academic freedom? Should communists be allowed to teach? What constitutes unacceptable political "indoctrination" in the classroom? What are the implications for academic freedom of creating Black Studies and Women's Studies departments? Do academic boycotts, such as those directed against Israel, violate the spirit of academic freedom? The book provides the context for these debates. Instead of opining as a judge, the author discloses the legal, philosophical, political, and semantic disagreements in each controversy. The book will appeal to readers across the social sciences and humanities with interests in scholarly freedom and academic life.

Tocqueville on religion / Raymond Hain -- Unmasking religion : Marx's stance, Tocqueville's alternative / Peter Baehr -- Tocqueville mortal and immortal : power and style / Judith Adler -- Tocqueville and linguistic innovation / Daniel Gordon -- Noble comparisons / Andreas Hess -- Tocqueville and Lévi-Strauss : democratic revolution at bookends of empire / Andrew Dausch -- "The tenacious color-line" : Tocqueville's thought in a post-Du Boisian world / Patrick H. Breen -- "The whole moral and intellectual state of a people" : Tocqueville on men, women, and mores in the United States and Europe / Jean Elisabeth Pedersen -- The dynamics of political equality in Rousseau, Tocqueville, and beyond / Peter Breiner -- Tocqueville and Beaumont on the US penitentiary system / Chris Barker -- Tocqueville and the French revolution / Patrice Higonnet and Daniel Gordon.

1. Absolutism and the Ideal Types of Sociability. The Well-Policed State. Sociability and Democracy. Five Ideal Types -- 2. The Language of Sociability. The Enlightenment as a Lexicon. Historical Semantics. The Rise of "Society" The Concept of Latent Sociability in Natural Law. The Amalgamation of Natural Law and Politeness. Self-Centered Cosmopolitanism. The Religion of Society -- 3. The Civilizing Process Revisited. The Varieties of Civility. The Rules of Irrelevance. The Public Sphere in Apolitical Form. The Douceur of the Gentleman. Politeness and the Lineage of the Enlightenment -- 4. Sociability and Universal History: Jean-Baptiste Suard and the Scottish Enlightenment in France. Universal History. France and the Scottish Enlightenment. Storm over Suard. The Virtues of Being Lazy. Ossian: The Savage Poet. Robertson: The Progress of Refinement. Hume: The Elimination of Politics -- 5. Andre Morellet and the End of the Enlightenment. Form versus Substance

At the height of the French general strike of May-June 1968, the future President Jacques Chirac, then Secretary of State for Employment, initiated at least one secret meeting with Henri Krasucki, deputy General Secretary of the Communist-led trade union confederation, the Confédération générale du travail (CGT). As one of the few aspects of the events of May to remain comparatively untouched by serious historical work, the present article seeks to rectify this anomaly, peeling apart the various competing layers of memory around the Chirac-Krasucki negotiations to explore the paradoxes of this encounter, placing them in a wider historical and memorial context. Light will thereby be shed on how two very different men sought, with a surprising degree of success, to cross the profound political, class and Cold War lines that lay between them.

It is a historiographical commonplace to portray France during the so-called Trente Glorieuses of economic expansion after the Liberation, especially during the last of those three decades ending in the 1973 oil crisis, as engaged heart and soul in a project of full-throttle modernisation. The Fifth Republic under Charles De Gaulle and Georges Pompidou rolled up its sleeves and set to work tackling the country's multifarious examples of historical backwardness. France ceased to be a nation of peasants, small-minded small business owners and bolshie workers, and instead dreamed of becoming one of confident technocrats, technicians and world-beating industrialists. Only after the end of the Trente Glorieuses, it is often assumed, did that dream of technologically based progress give way to greater scepticism, pessimism and environmental concern, for modernisation swept all before it until its assumptions were rudely challenged by the end of growth in October 1973 - or at least until they were by the political crisis of May 1968. While more critical perspectives on post-war modernisation are evident in recent historiography, notably on issues around planning in general and housing and the grands ensembles in particular, transport policy and the set of social experiences which it sought to shape have been relatively more marginal to our understanding. This review article seeks to explore how issues around transport, and their broader implications about the very nature of modern growth-oriented capitalist society, are leading the debate onto new terrain. The underlying purpose of several of the books under review is to cast doubt on the accepted narrative of the Trente Glorieuses. They do so, however, in two defiantly opposite directions: some defending the distinctly pro-car orientation of the post-war elites and others offering a more radical critique of this perspective.

While immigration situations in France and Britain are often contrasted to each other, they are not mutually closed systems. This article asks to what extent anti-racist movements in the two countries interacted with each other between the 1960s and 1990s. Although one could be forgiven for thinking that the two operate in parallel and mutually incomprehensible universes, it suggests that there has been more exchange than meets the eye, by examining case studies ranging from the Mouvement Contre le Racisme et Pour l'Amitié entre les Peuples to the magazine Race Today, and the trajectories of individuals from Mogniss Abdallah to John La Rose. Though less immediately apparent than those from across the Atlantic, influences occasionally, at times surreptitiously, crept across the Channel. Nevertheless it concludes that this specifically Anglo-French form of transnationalism became more developed after, rather than during, what is classically considered the heyday of transnational protest in the 1960s and 1970s. It also argues that despite the much-vaunted French resistance to the 'Anglo-Saxons', influences in anti-racism in fact flowed more readily southwards than northwards across the Channel. From 'Rock Against Police' to the International Book Fair of Radical Black and Third World Books, there seems to have been an increasing willingness among some elements in anti-racism in France to allow a seepage of British ideas. By contrast, attempts to transplant French ideas, such as SOS Racisme, in the UK appear contrived, and only succeeded when the French influence was not made explicit.